Category: Articles

  • ‘Two Lines’ that Make it First Longest Poem from Kashmir

    Saima Bhat

    Srinagar: Using their IT skills and love for literature, two Kashmiri software developers working with a multinational company are about to publish first longest poem from Kashmir. The poem is their way of ‘protest’ against the Kashmir killings.

    Abdul Wajid and Obaid Darwaish did number of brainstorming sessions before thought of collecting a couplet—two lines—from any Kashmir loving person including writers, columnists, journalists, activists and others. The duo wants to publish the verses in the form of a book.

    “It is going to be our tribute to the cause,” Wajid says.

    They came with an idea when the duo sitting in their overseas offices were getting “disturbed” with the situation back home.

    “Every day we are seeing deaths and hundreds of youth getting injured,” Wajid says. “It is very disturbing for any Kashmiri working, living outside. We were not able to sleep for three days at least. I can understand the helplessness, desperation among people. I have witnessed it in 2010. Besides, only we Kashmiris can feel each others’ pain.”

    In their restive phase, they wanted to contribute in any constructive way—but, not in a conventional way. It was then an idea of longest poem stuck them.

    The longest poem, Wajid says, will be first of its kind from Kashmir. “Initially we thought we’ll close down submissions once we reach 10,000 lines, but due to internet blockade in Kashmir, we feared ending up at 1,000 lines only.”

    To begin with, the IT duo invited around 14 prominent authors who are linked to Kashmir. They used personal contacts. But to their disappointment, only a few responded. It was then, they made it public with some guidelines.

    “We could have kept it open but we wanted a poem in proper structure, in rhythmic form,” says Wajid, who has so far published 632 lines from more than 255 authors on their website http://www.last2lines.com/.

    Once published, Wajid says, the concept can be useful for signature campaigns for various social issues. “At the end of the day we will get a number of people. It is like a beautiful painting brushed by various artists.”

    But recently, the website was down for one day.

    “We couldn’t trace the glitch,” says Wajid, “but I believe it was from authorities.”

  • Can I still become a doctor, Insha asks women’s panel head

    By Moazum Mohammad

    Srinagar: Insha Malik, a girl from Shopian who was blinded when a trooper fired a full cartridge of pellets into her face, has asked the chairperson of State Women’s Commission whether she can still pursue her dream of becoming a doctor.
    Probably aware of what has befell her, she also asked Mehjoor if not a doctor she would like to become a lawyer.
    “Insha is in trauma and was not willing to talk at first. She doesn’t want to go to Kashmir because of the atrocities people are facing here,” said Mehjoor, who said she spent three hours with the girl in Mumbai, where she is being treated.
    “Many people have faced atrocities here and how can we remain alive? That’s why she said Kashmir is not a good place,” she said while admitting that “excessive force” was used for which she “felt ashamed before Insha.”
    Insha suffered horrific pellet injuries in her entire face after a trooper fired at her when she was looking out of a window of her home in Sedav village of Shopian.
    The picture showing her disfigured face became one of the iconic images of the state repression during the raging uprising.
    Her parents explained to Mehjoor how the forces attacked their unarmed daughter, who was not part of any protests.
    “She was not carrying stones or was not part of any protest. She was studying at home that time,” her parents told Mehjoor.  Her mother wept and said they don’t need anything but “give her eyes back.”
    “Insha told me ‘I want to move forward, do I have to compromise on my education’. I told her it is unfortunate but you should move ahead bravely,” Mehjoor said, adding, “Her teeth have also got damaged and she has a scar on her head.”
    Mehjoor, the former BBC broadcaster, termed Insha as a brave girl and said her parents have come to terms with what happened to their daughter.
    “They want an end to the excessive force. They are helpless. It is a dilemma for them for the entire life. We have to take her out of trauma,” she said describing her interaction with Insha as “painful”.
    Mehjoor said Insha asked her to pray for her.
    “We can take her to outside India so that she can regain her eyesight in one eye. A Mumbai-based NGO Sarhad is willing to help her,” she added.

  • PDP-BJP Alliance Could Create Dangerous Vacuum

    (Nazir Masoodi is NDTV’s Srinagar Bureau Chief)
    It has been 11 days since the results of Jammu and Kashmir’s election were declared. Without a decisive mandate, parties are still busy talking to each other about possible combinations to form a government.The PDP, headed by Mufti Mohammmad Sayeed won the most seats, and therefore its options are abundant, but each potential alliance is weighed down by problems. Though the party made its choice obvious – it strongly suggested it wants to partner with the BJP – the unconditional support offered by the Congress and Omar Abdullah’s National Conference has actually put roadblocks in the PDP’s preferred route.

    The PDP has said it would like an agreement with the BJP if it follows the line taken by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who had supported the PDP agenda, which was seen as pro separatists, at least in tone and tenor.

    In an 87-member assembly, PDP’s tally is 28 – its best ever performance since the party was launched 15 years ago. The BJP has won 25 seats, mainly from Jammu’s Hindu heartland. On the face of it, the alliance between these two parties seems to be the only way out, not just to represent the people divided along communal and regional lines, but also to ensure a numerically-strong and stable government that enjoys a strong backing from a friendly Centre.

    Such an alliance becomes especially crucial because of the mammoth task ahead for the state government in reconstructing Srinagar and other parts that were hit with pulverizing force by floods in September. There’s also the urgent need to check growing unemployment, which will depend heavily on generous assistance for the cash-starved state from Prime Minister Modi’s government.

    But a PDP-BJP alliance could create a dangerous political vacuum in the Kashmir valley and the Muslim-majority parts of Jammu. Here is why.

    In 1999, the PDP was formed in the wake of a perceived anti-Kashmiri policy practiced by the Farooq Abdullah government in the state. Human rights violations had crossed all limits as the infamous Special Task Force and other security agencies were given a free hand to unleash brutalities on common people.

    People were looking for an alternative to the National Conference and even after an extensive campaign centered on soft separatist rhetoric by PDP leader Mehbooba Mufti, there was hardly anyone who expected that this newly-formed party could dethrone the mighty NC.

    Days before the results of the election in 2002, PDP patriarch Mufti Mohammad Sayeed told me that the PDP could win three to four seats. The 16-seat victory came as a windfall and the defeat of Omar Abdullah from his family bastion Ganderbal was not just a rejection of Abdullah family, breaking the unquestioned monopoly of NC over power politics in Kashmir, but it also sent a strong message that people are yearning for change. This legitimized the PDP’s claim to form the government in coalition with the Congress. Interestingly, the Abdullahs’ NC was still the single-largest party in the house.

    Mufti’s controversial words that “militants don’t need guns anymore because their representatives are now in the assembly” still reverberates in the ears of those who wanted a dignified exit from the militant movement and sought to join the mainstream without completely divorcing the separatist discourse in Kashmir.

    The PDP doesn’t attempt to disguise that its symbolism and rhetoric echo a soft separatist sentiment. The party flag is borrowed from the erstwhile Muslim United Front or MUF, an amalgam of Kashmiri groups that lost the 1987 elections to the Abdullah-Congress alliance in a widely-believed rigged poll that is believed to be a trigger for the subsequent outbreak of militancy. The MUF became the Hurriyat Conference later. The PDP didn’t miss a single chance to accuse the National Conference of pushing MUF candidate Mohammad Yousuf Shah into militancy because he lost hope in the democratic process. Shah is now Syed Salahudin and the Pakistan-based chief of the Hizbul Mujahideen.

    The PDP’s biggest contribution to Kashmir’s political process so far has been to provide a sense of accommodation to those who had lost all hopes in the fairness of the democratic system. In the process of taking the space occupied by separatists in Kashmir’s political landscape, the party has amalgamated certain facets of the separatist narrative. But that seems to be a means to hoodwink the separatist constituency. The end is to capture power. Their aim is to alter the perception that Kashmiris have been stripped of their rights and everything is being decided in Delhi, and that a state government is merely a puppet in the hands of the Centre.

    The PDP did succeed in changing this perception to some extent while Mufti was the Chief Minister for three years after the 2002 polls. Measures like the introduction of Srinagar- Muzaffarabad Bus service, talks with Kashmiri separatists and Vajpayee extending a hand of friendship to Pakistan in Srinagar soon after he addressed a PDP rally in the town in 2003 contributed to this shift.

    People started to believe that Srinagar is part of the policy and decision-making process even as Mufti led a coalition government with the Congress. The NDA government, especially PM Vajpayee and L K Advani, firmly stood behind Mufti’s “healing touch” policy and other rhetoric that accompanied it.

    At the same time, the PDP was being accused of being hand-in-glove with the Hizbul Mujahideen militant group. Mehbooba Mufti would regularly visit the families of slain militant to offer condolences. Nobody questioned Mufti’s “patriotic credentials” and he was instead trusted and respected in the corridors of power in Delhi.

    Some people in Kashmir were watching all this in total disbelief and at times deep suspicion as well.

    Since 2002, the PDP has grown manifold and it appears to be steadily replacing Kashmir’s grand old party, NC, especially among the youth. While most of these educated youth are ideologically and emotionally pro- separatist, the arrival of PDP on the scene has given them an easy alibi to find refuge where they can at least see some resonance of their emotional moorings.

    But as PDP is dropping broad hints to forge an alliance with BJP, its biggest worry is what will happen to its ideology and support base in Kashmir in the event of a covenant. A senior PDP leader and top strategist admitted that this is not Vajpayee’s BJP and they know the perils of this alliance in the time when “Ghar Wapasi” – a euphemism used to describe the conversion of Muslims and Christians to Hinduism – has become a full-time occupation for the affiliate groups of the BJP.

    “Our alliance with the BJP is like going to the gallows and hoping to return with a trophy,” he said.

    A strong lobby within the PDP, however, is supporting the alliance with BJP and the balance seems to be tilted in their favour. But if the green of the PDP mixes with the saffron of the BJP, a vacuum will be created in the Valley .Remember, the MUF was outcome of a similar vacuum created by the NC- Congress alliance in J&K in 1986. At the time, the NC was seen as the sole representative of Kashmiri nationalism. After its alliance with Congress and the perceived abandoning of its core ideology, the subsequent fallout was topped by the outbreak of militancy.

    The PDP is hoping that in case it forges an alliance with BJP, the saffron will go green. That expectation is misplaced because it is impossible to see the PDP impacting BJP at a time when the saffron party is on a resurgent trajectory across India.

    Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this blog are the personal opinions of the author. NDTV is not responsible for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information on this blog. All information is provided on an as-is basis. The information, facts or opinions appearing on the blog do not reflect the views of NDTV and NDTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.

     

  • ‘When I close my eyes, I see Faisal’s body on the steering wheel of the car’

    Basim Ahmad Bhat, a 14-year-old Class IX student, was in a car with his four friends when they were fired upon by armymen on Monday evening in Chattergam on the outskirts of Srinagar city. Two of his friends died, two are in hospital. Basim survived unhurt to tell this story:

    It was a cloudy afternoon. I was waiting on the highway in Nowgam for some of my friends from school. Suddenly, a white Maruti car stopped in front me. Faisal (Burhan) was in the driver’s seat, there were three other friends. Faisal asked me to go with them to Suthoo, a village some 3 km from my house, to watch the Muharram processions.
    Shakir was sitting in the front but got out to let me take his place and moved to the back seat with Meraj and Zahid.
    It was a smooth drive to Suthoo. But when we reached there, we realised that one procession had already left and the other had not yet started. It was turning dark so we decided to return. On the way back, we were joking, laughing at each other. The Bollywood song ‘Ek mulaqat zaruri hai sanam’ was playing in the background.
    We reached Chattergam, just outside Srinagar city. The light was getting dim and the paddy fields to our left were fading in the fog. Meraj told Faisal, “We will go to Pahalgam after a few days. I will treat you to a big bash there.”
    Suddenly, I felt a little shake. Faisal had tried to overtake a ‘tipper lorry’ and our car had brushed against it. The driver of the lorry yelled at us. Faisal accelerated to get past him. It was then that some soldiers standing on the roadside whistled loudly – perhaps asking us to stop.
    Faisal didn’t see them, but we alerted him. “I will stop on the edge of the road,” he said and applied the brakes.
    There was no checkpoint on the road, no barricades. Just soldiers. There was no army vehicle either – or at least I failed to notice any.
    But before our car could come to a halt, I heard a gunshot. I looked at Faisal, I saw blood dripping from his arm. He lost control of the car which hit an electricity pole.
    Then I heard a series of gunshots from two sides. “Hatai Mouji (Oh my mother),” Faisal screamed, his head on the steering. “Hato Khudaya (Oh my God),” shouted somebody from behind. I looked back – Meraj, Zahid and Shakir were motionless.
    There was total silence inside the car but the guns were still roaring outside.
    I tried to open the car’s door but failed. I then rolled down the window and crawled out.
    I was lucky. The paddy fields on my left were slightly lower than the road surface. I rolled over for a few metres. The bullets whizzed past me – the soldiers had seen me and were firing. But the fog
    helped me escape. I ran for a few hundred metres, jumped over a compound wall and found myself inside a house. Those inside were surprised but I quickly told them about the incident. They gave me a glass of water and a Rs 10 note, saying it was for the bus fare to reach home. It was dark when I entered my house. Everyone was weeping – they had already been informed about my death. They saw me, hugged me but continued to cry. I pacified them. I wanted to go to the houses of Faisal, Meraj, Zahid and Shakir to inform them about what had really happened. But I couldn’t gather the courage to do so – the entire neighbourhood was already out wailing and crying. I now know that my life will be never the same again – I have lost two of my friends and two are in hospital. It has been three days now but I haven’t slept even for a moment. When I close my eyes, I see Faisal’s body on the steering. I see Meraj, Zahid and Shakir. I see the blood splattered on the car. I tell myself it was was not a bad dream – how I wish it had been one.

    (As told to Basharat Masood) 

  • A Breach Of Religious Freedom

    Muharram processions remain banned in Srinagar since 1990. If, as the government argues, the situation has improved considerably, surely the people have a case for revocation of the ban?

    SYED ZAFAR MEHDI

    We are in Muharram, the month of bereavement and remembrance. In 680 AD, around 1500 years ago, Husain (as)—the beloved grandson of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)—was martyred along with his family and friends in the desert plains of Karbala in Iraq by the armies of tyrant ruler Yazeed. Every year, around this time, massive processions are taken out across the world to pay rich tributes to the 72 martyrs of Karbala.

    Reciting soul-stirring elegies and hymns, participants wear black dresses and badges, beating their chests in a spirit of devotion. They carry replicas of Husain’s mausoleum in Karbala, and parade the streets. Big banners and hoardings are put up on every street, alley and pathway, mainly in areas where Muslims live. However, in some countries, its appeal cuts across the religious and ideological divide, because Husain’s uprising in Karbala was not a religious tussle, a political war or a petty struggle for power. It was a confrontation between right and might, between the forces of truth and falsehood. In many countries, the Muharram commemorations have been effectively used as a psychological weapon and mechanism to mobilize masses against evil, injustice and repression.

    Essence of Muharram

    Muharram, contrary to the popular perception, is not merely an event or episode in history, revolving around a grief-centric ritual. It is a philosophy, a concept, and a movement, that will always have contemporary significance, in every time and age. The threat of injustice and tyranny will always have contemporary significance. Muslims of the world commonly observe and commemorate Husain’s sacrifice each year, remembering his redemptive suffering for the greater good of humankind. Even 1500 years on, these annual commemorations have not lost their significance, but on the contrary have become even more powerful and potent. Mahmoud Ayoub writes in his book Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of Ashura in Twelver Shi’ism, ‘in the ritualistic moment, serial time becomes the bridge connecting primordial time and its special history with the timeless eternity of the future. The eternal fulfillment of time becomes the goal of human time and history.”

    These annual commemorations help the campaigners of justice and truth re-organise their life around the principles exemplified by Husain, in Karbala. It strengthens their ability and resolve to rise up against autocracy, despotism and treachery. Husain’s uprising and sacrifice promote the enjoining of good. It teaches that notwithstanding the exiguousness of power and numbers, if your stand is right, victory will always be yours. Urdu poet Mohammad Ali Jauhar aptly encapsulates it in these words:

    Qatl e Husain asl mein marg Yazeed hai,
    Islam zinda hota hai har Karbala ke baad

    (The murder of Husain is actually the end of [his killer] Yazeed,
    Islam is refreshed by the blood of the martyrs of Karbala)

    Muharram Processions Across the World

    In the next few days, till the tenth of Muharram, which this year falls on November 25, these processions would be carried out in all parts of the world. Biggest processions are taken out in Tehran, Karbala, London, Sydney, New York, Moscow, Toronto, Karachi, Dhaka, Lucknow etc. In U.S., the biggest procession starts from Park Avenue and culminates in front of the Pakistani Consulate. In Toronto, the procession leaves from Queen’s Park and ends at High Court entrance. In London, thousands of mourners assemble in Central London Marble Arch Hyde Park and take part in the procession. In Iran, millions participate in Muharram processions in all major cities like Tehran, Masshad and Isfahan. In Trinidad and Tobago, it is popular as ‘Hosay’ and not even Sunnis and Hindus participate in these processions, but also Afro-Trinidadians. In eastern Saudi Arabian city Qatif, Muharram means lot of activity and palpable buzz. In Nigeria, large processions are taken out in Katsina state in northern Nigeria. In Pakistan, major processions are taken out in Karachi. In India, major processions are carried out in Mumbai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Lucknow, and Kargil. “These processions are held across the world to send out a clear message that injustice and tyranny ultimately vanishes and truth and justice prevails,” says Syed Raza, a Kashmiri poet, whose soul-stirring nauhas (elegies) are recited in Muharram processions in Kashmir.

    The Ban in Kashmir

    In Kashmir, the story is different and grim, and remains unchanged for the last two decades. The government’s ban on Muharram processions (Muharram 8 and 10) in Srinagar city is in place since 1990, when the armed rebellion against India gained momentum. Despite the clampdown and curfew-like restrictions imposed by authorities, thousands of young devotees carry out processions and are subjected to brutal police action. They are thrashed, manhandled, cane charged, and some are even sent to custody. Some of the senior Shia leaders are put under house arrest to prevent them from leading these processions.

    Religious processions were being taken out in Kashmir since 1527 when Sultan Muhammad Shah was the ruler. Shia Muslims (minority), with help and cooperation of Sunni Muslims (majority), used to take out two major processions, one from Namchbal to Imambara Zadibal and other one from Alamgiri Bazar to Khushalsar. In 1977, at the request of the then Chief Minister Shiekh Muhammad Abdullah, it was decided to take out a joint procession from Abi Guzar to Zadibal. “However,” says Hakeem Imtiyaz Husain, “in 1989, the then governor of J&K imposed a ban on the procession, as part of the sweeping measures to deal with the political unrest. Notwithstanding the repeated pleas by the people of Kashmir, the ban still stands.” Hakeem, retired jurist and writer, is presently working on a book that chronicles the history of Shias in Kashmir.

    Legal battle

    On Jan 17, 2008, J&K High Court had issued a notice to the state government seeking its objections on a petition filed by Ittihadul Muslimeen, a religio-political outfit representing Shia Muslims of state. But government failed to communicate the ban order to them. The petition sought to quash the ban, calling it a flagrant violation of international law and denial of religious rights. On December 5, 2009, High Court again issued notice to the state government directing it to file objections, but to no avail. “The government informed the court that processionists must seek prior permission from authorities, which we did, but the ban was still not lifted. After four years of legal battle, we finally realized that the whole exercise was futile, because they were never interested in listening to our pleas,” Masroor Abbas Ansari, President, Ittihadul Muslimeen, who had filed the petition, says.

    People in Kashmir demand revocation of ban on the grounds that violence has abated and situation has improved considerably. “The ban on Muharram processions, as with the ban on the July 13th procession commemorating the Martyrs of 1931, is simply undemocratic and a denial of the basic rights of Kashmiri people,” says Mirza Waheed, author of critically acclaimed novel The Collaborator, which is set in Kashmir. Waheed says the ban on Muharram processions cannot be viewed in isolation. “You have to see it in the context of the larger structure of repression in Kashmir.”

    “There is not much we can do other than protest against it. We fought a legal battle and got a green signal from court but government remains unfazed. Every year, in Muharram, our volunteers hold peaceful protests. I have raised the issue in meetings with Indian government authorities and even at OIC,” says Aga Syed Hasan, separatist leader and President of J&K Anjuman e Shariee Shiaan, a constituent of Hurriyat conference.

    Muharram and Amarnath Yatra

    “While the state provides all support for the annual Amarnath Yatra, which it should—and Kashmiris have always supported and welcomed the Yatra—it has consistently curbed the right to assemble of the local population,” says Waheed.

    Khurram Parvez, Programme Coordinator, Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, questions the secular credentials of a state that does not allow people the freedom to practice their religion and participate in religious activities: “On one hand, state patronises, organises, partially sponsors Yatra for Hindus of India and on the other hand, it curbs and criminalises the religious programmes of Muslims like Muharram processions, Milad processions etc. Yet the government has the audacity to call itself secular.”

    Zafar Meraj, veteran journalist and chief editor of Kashmir Monitor calls it ‘blatant discrimination’: “Government claims the ban is owing to security reasons but what about similar processions taken out in various parts of Kashmir and some old-city localities? If it can provide security to annual Amarnath yatra that attracts lakhs of Hindu pilgrims every year, why not Muharram processions that have never been under any kind of threat?”

    “The contrast cannot get any starker,” says Waheed. “The state wants to develop infrastructure to facilitate and possibly expand the Amarnath Yatra — at potentially disastrous cost to the environment — and at the same time, it has for nearly 20 years now, not allowed people to take out the historic processions of Muharram and July 13.”

    Brutal police action

    Each year, police imposes curfew-like restrictions on Muharram 8 and 10 (which fall on November 23 and 25 this year) in parts of Srinagar city, including Lal Chowk, the nerve centre of the summer capital. Iron barricades and spools of concertina wires are put up at almost every entry point to city centre. The cops do not even allow pedestrian movement in Lal chowk, and tough restrictions are enforced in Rajouri Kadal, Gojwara, Nowhatta and some adjoining areas in old city. Senior leaders are put under house arrest to prevent them from leading the processions.

    However, despite the clampdown, thousands of mourners defy the police restrictions on Muharram 8 and 10 every year — as they indeed did today —and take out peaceful mourning processions in the main city. Each time, they are intercepted by massive contingents of fully-armed police and paramilitary personnel. The cops lob tear smoke shells, resort to baton charge and brutally manhandle the mourners who participate in these processions. “It is our right and duty to protest against the draconian ban in peaceful manner, but that does not mean it will become a law and order problem, so brute police action is unwarranted,” says Hasan, who yields considerable clout in Kashmir’s Shia community.

    “It is not merely hypocritical but perverse, given that the state itself, appropriating July 13, 1931, a historic moment of resistance against the tyranny of Dogra rule, commemorates the day with official pomp while keeping the people of Kashmir under virtual siege each year,” says Waheed. “When the state bans Muharram, July 13th, Geelani’s public appearances, while making sure Amarnath Yatra gets bigger; it speaks in a language of conquest. And the message is not lost on the people of Kashmir. They see it as an imperial dictat.”

    Mohammad Junaid, doctoral student in Anthropology at City University of New York says the government bans Muharram processions because of ‘old colonialist aspersions’ that such moments of solemn mourning would turn into occasions of political critique and subversion. “Remember that Muharram is observed in memory of those who spoke back to power and refused to submit. Muharram processions illuminate the utter incommensurability of power and truth, and this is precisely what those governments whose foundations are based on deception and manipulation absolutely fear,” says Junaid. His research focuses on issues of space, violence and militarisation in Kashmir.

    Anti-India sentiments?

    The official version that these processions stoke anti-national sentiments and pose security threat finds few takers. “It is hogwash, far from reality. It only suggests that the tall claims of government about normalcy and peace are false,” says Aga Syed Hadi, Vice-Chairman, Aaytullah Yousuf Memorial Trust, which runs hundreds of schools across Kashmir imparting Islamic education. “You see, it must be examined in the context of the state’s repression of all sentiment that it sees as anti-national,” says Waheed.

    Hasan finds the argument frivolous. “Muharram teaches us to be tolerant and steadfast in the face of adversities, and it also teaches us to rise against injustice. Government cannot deny us our right to organise religious activities on such hollow and baseless pretexts.”

    It is a sinister attempt to keep Muslims divided in this part of world, feels Meraj. “The ban on main Muharram procession that used to be taken from Abi Guzar in uptown, and was joined by Shias and Sunnis in large numbers speaks volumes about the gross discrimination that has been going on in Kashmir for last over decades, and is an attempt to divide the community.”

    ‘Official’ version

    Aga Syed Mehmood, former minister and senior leader of PDP, the main opposition party in the state, says government had to ban these processions in 1990 because of the gravity of the situation. “In 1989, when I was part of government, it had decided to put curbs on these processions but we resisted the decision. As the regime fell in 1990 and the governor took over to deal with the political turmoil, the ban was announced.” However, he hastens to add that the brutalities unleashed on the peaceful processions every year are uncalled for. “Chief Minister Omar Abdullah calls for the removal of AFSPA in Srinagar, then what is the problem with a procession that is completely of religious nature?” asks Mehmood.

    Tanvir Sadiq, spokesman of the ruling National Conference says the restarting of the procession like the 8th is under the active consideration of the government. “Kashmir is limping back to normalcy, and I am confident and reasonably sure that soon the processions on 8 and 10 Muharram will resume,” says Sadiq. However, he refuses to admit that mourners are subjected to brutal police action and calls it a ‘precautionary measure’. “There is no brutal police action. The government has asked the police to ensure that religious processions or mourners are not harassed, but having said that, there are times when the police in order to maintain law and order may have to take some precautionary measures.”

    Tailpiece:

    The unyielding stand taken by Husain in Karbala carries an eloquent message that has gripped the hearts and minds of countless generations throughout history. It gives a sense of hope and optimism to those who believe in the righteousness of their cause. Muharram and Karbala are symbolic, cutting across the barriers of space and time. Today Karbala is Gaza, Karbala is Kashmir, Karbala is Iraq, Karbala is Afghanistan.

    “Every revolution has two visages: blood and the message,” says Ali Shariati, the late Iranian sociologist and revolutionary. “Husain and his companions undertook the first mission, that of blood. The second mission is to bear the message to the whole world, to be the eloquent tongue of this flowing blood and these resting bodies among the walking dead.”

    In Kashmir and elsewhere, as people pour out on streets every year in Muharram to remember the martyrs of Karbala, they do not intend to create a law and order problem. They are only carrying forward the second mission: bearing the message of blood to the world, lest it remains mute in the history and those who need this message are deprived of it.

    Syed Zafar Mehdi is a New Delhi-based journalist, born and brought up in Kashmir

     

  • Don’t politicize human tragedy

    The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) Chairman, Muhammad Yasin Malik, urged GoI to compensate flood victims. The JKLF chairman said the mag- nitude of devastation and the scale of losses were so high that without help and assistance from the international community it was impossible to com- pensate the losses. “The international community can- not remain a silent spectator in this situation, and India should also not politicize the human tragedy by refus- ing international aid and assistance.

     

  • Rajbagh will rise gain

    Ambreen Hamadani

    The streets of Rajbagh are dilapidated. They are dark with few houses lit up with electricity. Boundary walls are in ruins everywhere and most of the houses long to turn to homes again.
    The month of September has been terrible for the residents of Rajbagh, with about twenty feet water filling their homes left, right and centre. More difficult than the initial shock have been the dismal days that followed.
    There were times when nobody really believed that things would return to normal ever. I do not know what the people of “non flooded areas” say or have said about Rajbagh and why, but surely these were trying times for even the toughest souls alive.
    People clung to optimism, making desperate attempts for survival. It was heartbreaking to be trapped in your own home; a place synonymous with comfort and security, to live in constant fear that the house could collapse anytime.
    A look down the stairs showed the site of menacing waters just a few steps below. Seeing large boats sailing over your garden, sheds and walls is not a pleasing experience. But as the saying goes ‘Tough times never last but tough people do’, people have survived with the grace and mercy of the Almighty. But the journey has not ended here. The nights still are sad and full of foreboding silence. Even a screech from an owl is welcome.
    Does all this mean that Rajbagh has given up? And that the flickering candle of hope has finally blown out?
    Nay! The radiance that lights the faces today tells a different tale. Everyone present is smiling and the melody of Wanwun fills the air with a new and refreshing glow.
    A car stands bedecked in the middle of the unfortunate street and the warrior of a groom sits inside. The fleet of cars is small, but the charm is immeasurable. The women there to bless him are few in number but their hearts are alive with love and affection. Their attires are simple and their feet planted in mud, yet their voices are sweet and heartening like warm fire on a cold winter night. Their spirit is contagious; it fills the air with light heartedness and brings spring to every step.
    The scene of the recent disaster is not forgotten though. It looms all over like a threat. Everywhere, your gaze is met with telltale signs of floods. However, a light has been lit today and it is powerful enough to keep worries at bay.
    Jhelum entered Ragbagh furiously, blowing off anything and everything. It ripped apart families, blew happiness into smithereens, leaving each household dilapidated and desolate. Depression covered the place like a canopy. Rajbagh, oozed out of the muddy waters and stayed even when the water receded.
    The dark veil has slowly started to lose its power and the sun has begun to peep through the clouds. It takes a great deal of courage to fight your enemies but it takes a great deal more to fight the sorrow within your heart.
    Marriages take place all the time but this one is different. No light can decorate the house and there is no extravagant feast and yet this is the happiest marriage in the world. Today people are celebrating life; celebrating the fact that they are alive and back on firm ground after many long and tedious days. But this marriage is symbolic as it bought happiness for whole locality.
    There still is a long way to go and much to do. There will be no end to cleaning and reconstructing and it will demand every bit of energy and strength. To a heart that is torn with sorrow, a single shop reopening, a street vendor or even a small lamp brings infinite joy. And to see an event as “normal” as a marriage fills the air with a new refreshing fragrance assuring the sad hearts that, “we shall overcome some day!”
    Truly, strong are the people who leave their worries behind and go in search of sanguinity. For hope is a thing with feathers that flies near your heart, willing you to capture it and turn it into something very beautiful. And I firmly believe that Rajbagh will rise again, the way it was before.
    Author can be mailed at [email protected]

     

  • ARUNDHATI explains how corporations run India

    And why they wanted Modi as prime minister

    CHARLIE ‑ SMITH

    “Wealth has been concentrated in fewer and fewer hands,” Roy tells the Georgia Straight by phone from New York. “And these few corporations now run the country and, in some ways, run the political parties. They run the media.” The Delhi-based novelist and non- fiction writer argues that this is hav- ing devastating consequences for hun- dreds of millions of the poorest people in India, not to mention the middle class. Roy spoke to the Straight in advance of a public lecture on Tuesday (April 1) at 8 p.m. at St. Andrew’s–Wesley Unit- ed Church at the corner of Burrard and Nelson streets. She says it will be her first visit to Vancouver. In recent years, she has researched how the richest Indian corporations— such as Reliance, Tata, Essar, and In- fosys—are employing similar tactics as those of the U.S.-based Rockefeller and Ford foundations.

    She points out that the Rockefeller and Ford foundations have worked closely in the past with the State De- partment and Central Intelligence Agency to further U.S. government and corporate objectives. Now, she maintains that Indian companies are distributing money through charitable foundations as a means of controlling the public agen- da through what she calls “perception management”. This includes channelling funds to nongovernmental organizations, film and literary festivals, and universities. She acknowledges that the Tata Group has been doing this for decades,  but says that more recently, other large corporations have begun copying this approach.

    Private money replaces public funding

    According to her, the overall objective is to blunt criticism of neoliberal policies that promote inequality. “Slowly, they decide the curricu- lum,” Roy maintains. “They control the public imagination. As public money gets pulled out of health care and education and all of this, NGOs funded by these major financial cor- porations and other kinds of financial instruments move in, doing the work that missionaries used to do during colonialism—giving the impression of being charitable organizations, but ac- tually preparing the world for the free markets of corporate capital.” She was awarded the Booker Prize in 1997 for The God of Small Things.

    Since then, she has gone on to become one of India’s leading social critics, railing against mining and power proj- ects that displace the poor. She’s also written about poverty- stricken villagers in the Naxalite movement who are taking up arms across several Indian states to defend their traditional way of life. “I’m a great admirer of the wisdom and the courage that people in the re- sistance movement show,” she says. “And they are where my own under- standing comes from.” One of her greatest concerns is how foundation-funded NGOs “defuse peo- ple’s movements and…vacuum politi- cal anger and send them down a blind alley”. “It’s very important to keep the op- pressed divided,” she says. “That’s the whole colonial game, and it’s very easy in India because of the diversity.”

    Roy writes a book on capitalism

    In 2010, there was an attempt to lay a charge of sedition against her after she suggested that Kashmir is not integral to India’s existence. This northern state has been at the centre of a long-running territorial dispute between India and Pakistan. “There’s supposed to be some po- lice inquiry, which hasn’t really hap- pened,” Roy tells the Straight. “That’s how it is in India. They…hope that the idea of it hanging over your head is go- ing to work its magic, and you’re going to be more cautious.” Clearly, it’s had little effect in silenc- ing her. In her upcoming new book Capitalism: A Ghost Story, Roy ex- plores how the 100 richest people in India ended up controlling a quarter of the country’s gross-domestic product. The book is inspired by a lengthy 2012 article with the same title, which appeared in India’s Outlook magazine.

    In the essay, she wrote that the “ghosts” are the 250,000 debt-ridden farmers who’ve committed suicide, as well as “800 million who have been impoverished and dispossessed to make way for us”. Many live on less than 40 Canadian cents per day. “In India, the 300 million of us who belong to the post-IMF ‘reforms’ mid- dle class—the market—live side by side with spirits of the nether world, the poltergeists of dead rivers, dry wells, bald mountains and denuded forests,” Roy wrote. The essay examined how founda- tions rein in Indian feminist organiza- tions, nourish right-wing think tanks, and co-opt scholars from the commu- nity of Dalits, often referred to in the West as the “untouchables”. For example, she pointed out that the Reliance Group’s Observer Re- search Foundation has a stated goal of achieving consensus in favour of eco- nomic reforms. Roy noted that the ORF promotes “strategies to counter nuclear, biologi- cal and chemical threats”. She also re- vealed that the ORF’s partners include weapons makers Raytheon and Lock- heed Martin.

    Anna Hazare called a corporate mascot

    In her interview with the Straight, Roy claims that the high-profileIndia Against Corruption campaign is an- other example of corporate meddling. According to Roy, the movement’s leader, Anna Hazare, serves as a front for international capital to gain great- er access to India’s resources by clear- ing away any local obstacles. With his white cap and traditional white Indian attire, Hazare has re- ceived global acclaim by acting as a modern-day Mahatma Gandhi, but Roy characterizes both of them as “deeply disturbing”. She also describes Hazare as a “sort of mascot” to his cor- porate backers. In her view, “transparency” and “rule of law” are code words for al- lowing corporations to supplant “lo- cal crony capital”. This can be accom- plished by passing laws that advance corporate interests.

    She says it’s not surprising that the most influential Indian capitalists would want to shift public attention to political corruption just as average In- dians were beginning to panic over the slowing Indian economy. In fact, Roy adds, this panic turned into rage as the middle class began to realize that “gal- loping economic growth has frozen”. “For the first time, the middle class- es were looking at corporations and realizing that they were a source of incredible corruption, whereas ear- lier, there was this adoration of them,” she says. “Just then, the India Against Corruption movement started. And the spotlight turned right back onto the favourite punching bag—the poli- ticians—and the corporations and the corporate media and everyone else jumped onto this, and gave them  hour coverage.” Her essay in Outlook pointed out that Hazare’s high-profile allies, Ar- vind Kerjiwal and Kiran Bedi, both operate NGOs funded by U.S. founda- tions. “Unlike the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US, the Hazare movement did not breathe a word against privatisation, corporate power or economic ‘reforms’,” she wrote in Outlook.

    Narendra Modi seen as right-wing saviour

    Meanwhile, Roy tells the Straight that corporate India backed Narendra Modi as the country’s next prime minister because the ruling Congress party hasn’t been sufficiently ruthless against the growing resistance move- ment. “I think the coming elections are all about who is going to crank up the mil- itary assault on troublesome people,” she predicted. In several states, armed rebels have prevented massive mining and infra- structure projects that would have dis- placed massive numbers of people. Many of these industrial develop- ments were the subject of memoranda of understanding signed in 2004. Modi, head of the Hindu national- ist BJP coalition, became infamous in 2002 when Muslims were mas- sacred in the Indian state of Gujarat, where he was the chief minister.

    The official death toll exceeded 1,000, though some say the figures are higher. Police reportedly stood by as Hin- du mobs went on a killing spree. Many years later, a senior police of- ficer alleged that Modi deliberately allowed the slaughter, though Modi has repeatedly denied this. The atrocities were so appalling that the American government re- fused to grant Modi a visitor’s visa to travel to the United States. “The corporations are all backing Modi because they think that [Prime Minister] Manmohan [Singh] and the Congress government hasn’t shown the nerve it requires to actually send in the army into places like Chhattis- garh and Orissa,” Roy had said. She also labeled Modi as a politi- cian who’s capable of “mutating”, de- pending on the circumstances. “From being this openly sort of communal hatred-spewing saccharine person, he then put on the suit of a cor- porate man, and, you know, is now try- ing to play the role of the statesmen, which he’s not managing to do really,” Roy had said.

    Roy sees parallels between Congress and BJP

    India’s national politics are domi- nated by two parties, the Congress and the BJP. The Congress maintains a more sec- ular stance and is often favoured by those who want more accommodation for minorities, be they Muslim, Sikh, or Christian. In American terms, the Congress is the equivalent of the Dem- ocratic Party. The BJP is actually a coalition of right-wing parties and more force- fully advances the notion that India is a Hindu nation. It often calls for a harder line against Pakistan. In this regard, the BJP could be seen as the Republicans of India. But just as left-wing U.S. critics such as Ralph Nader and Noam Chomsky see little difference between the Dem- ocrats and Republicans in office, Roy says there is not a great deal distin- guishing the Congress from the BJP. “I’ve said quite often, the Congress has done by night what the BJP does by day,” she declares.

    “There isn’t any real difference in their economic pol- icy.” Whereas senior BJP leaders encour- aged wholesale mob violence against Muslims in Gujarat, she notes that Congress leaders played a similar role in attacks on Sikhs in Delhi following the 1984 assassination of then–prime minister Indira Gandhi. “It was genocidal violence and even today, nobody has been punished,” Roy says. As a result, each party can accuse the other of fomenting communal vio- lence. In the meantime, there are no seri- ous efforts at reconciliation for the victims.

    “The guilty should be punished,” she adds. “Everyone knows who they are, but that will not happen. That is the thing about India. You may go to prison for assaulting a woman in a lift or killing one person, but if you are part of a massacre, then the chances of your not being punished are very high.” However, she acknowledges that there is “some difference” in the two major parties’ stated idea of India. The BJP, for example, is “quite open about its belief in the Hindu India… where everybody else lives as, you know, second-class citizens”. “Hindu is also a very big and baggy

     

  • Pendency reaches 1,80,000 cases in JK courts

    With the state authorities promising the deliverance of justice at peoples door steps, the figures reveal that the masses here since years are being moving from pillar to pots in search of justice as the same is pending in the courts from the years.

    There are more than 1, 80,000 cases of criminal and civil nature pending at various courts of law across Jammu and Kashmir with officially no fast track court in function as the government shelved High Court’s proposal over the establishment of fast track courts. The details available informed that in the high court of Jammu and Kashmir around 5244 criminal cases are pending with no final verdict ordered so far. Also there are around 87 thousand civil cases pending in the high court here.

    In the subordinate court, mostly known as the lower court, around one lakh criminal cases are pending. The details provided by the authorities in the month of March this year stated that around 1067740 cases of criminal nature are pending in the lower court. Also the details maintained that 76680 civil cases are pending- waiting for the final j udgment. T he t otal number of the cases both criminal and civil pending before the high court here are 93038 and in the lower court 183420 cases have not been given the final judgment.

    The government when contacted said that there are presently no fast track court in the state except for the five existing regular courts of additional district and sessions which were earmarked as fast track court by the high court here. The courts were given the authority so that the cases against the women could be heard. Details informed that the government here in the past has received as proposal by the high court regarding the creation of eight fast track courts of the rank of district and sessions judge and 10 fast track courts of the rank of civil judge senior division. No further step has been taken by the state government over the proposal made by the high court in the past.

    The state authorities maintained that the government is committed to provide justice to the masses at door steps and that by virtue of Jammu and Kashmir Delhi Adalat act, 2013, it is ‘contemplating’ to create 22 Delhi adalats in the state with at least one in a district that too at a block level. The details also informed that the government here has taken up the issue with the high court here for identifying the places where Delhi adalats will be established. The Chief Justice has also constituted a committee of two judges to nominate the blocks for the same.

    However, the state government has no proposal under consideration wherein the benches of high court will be available at remote places other than the capital cities of the state in view of the difficult topography at south, north and Ladakh areas in Kashmir division and Chenab valley, Poonch, Rajouri and Kathua in Jammu.

     

  • A meeting that was overdue

    By: Muhammad Aslam Bhat (Chief Editor Kns)

    The June 26 review meeting on Cross LoC trade that took place between the union ministry of home
    affairs and Jammu and Kashmir industries and commerce department, though late but is a welcome initiative. Realizing a need for further augmentation and streamlining of the trade that connects the people through exchange of goods across the border in the state is a result of the sustained struggle of the traders who exchange their goods on the LoC. While it was agreed that additional items preferably that are produced in Jammu and Kashmir can be included only after going through a set procedure, the ministry of home affairs also gave nod to pursue the banking facility of the traders with the government of Pakistan very vigorously. Telecommunication facility particularly ISD will be made available for senior officers dealing with the cross LOC trade and the designated heads of traders association. The meeting also expressed its willingness to upgrade the infrastructure at Trade Facilitation Centres at Salamabad, Uri and Chakan da Bagh and it has been learnt that MHA has agreed to fund Rs 10 Crores for Chakan Da Bagh and Rs 5 Crores for Uri TFCs. During the meeting enhancement of cash amount to be carried by the passengers travelling across to Pakistan administered part was also agreed to and a proposal to this effect will be submitted by the state home department to the union home ministry for approval. The importance of the cross LoC trade must be realized by the new dispensation in New Delhi that should look at this activity not through the prism of trade and economy but as a confidence-building measure to further strengthen the relations between the two neighbouring countries especially between the two divided parts of the Jammu and Kashmir. Though peace building is not a primary objective of the initiative, the cross LoC trade has also helped Kashmiri communities to start to rebuild severed relationships across the LoC even though the outcome has been limited by certain restrictions on movement of people across the border. Nevertheless, cross-border trade in Kashmir may ultimately have the potential to provide a reason to help build confidence in the India-Pakistan peace process, and to strengthen Kashmiri capacity to contribute to peace building in Kashmir. The meeting was overdue and need of the hour is to review the Cross LoC trade atleast on a monthly basis so that people associated directly or indirectly with this trade are not allowed to suffer for want of infrastructure and the modern market facilities. Both the countries must also cooperate with each other and extend all their support for making the cross LoC trade a success, if they really want cessation of hostilities and want a better future for their suffering populations, besides resolving Kashmir issue amicably.